Historian at Cornell University and author, most recently, of FREE ENTERPRISE: AN AMERICAN HISTORY. Working on a history of backlash politics in the United States, from Reconstruction to the present.
It’s undeniable that the Biden campaign is in crisis and worthy of intensive coverage and headlines of this sort. But there is another crisis that threatens to upend and weaken, if not destroy, our democracy. The contrast in how the Times is covering these related crises is striking.
This a really important point. Since the New Deal at least conservatism has been premised on the idea that they are losing that it is “five minutes to midnight,” that civilization hangs in the balance, and that emergency politics is justified. I track this history in my book, FREE ENTERPRISE.
Yes. They believe that the United States is on the verge of destruction by the left and Trump is their man on horseback come to restore the nation to its rightful owners. They are giving him the tools he needs to do this job.
Congrats to all the profs at elite law schools who loudly vouched for John Roberts and Neil Gorsuch when they were nominated. Hope you placed your students in some nice clerkships.
The Baltimore Sun on some of the eminent historians—including John Hope Franklin, C. Vann Woodward, Richard Hofstadter, and Martin Duberman—who took part in the Selma to Montgomery civil rights protest in March, 1965.
The 1948 equivalent of “All Lives Matter.” Shortly after President Truman proposed a Civil Rights bill, this letter writer worried that such a bill would grant “special” rights to Black people and “stir up hatred and strife.” He called instead for a bill “to protect the rights of us all.”
It’s quite disarming to be learning about Lindsey Graham’s comments while in Abilene, Kansas, where today I spent time at Eisenhower Park and tomorrow will begin a few days of research at the Eisenhower Presidential Library.
If I complete my work at the Eisenhower Presidential Library early, I am definitely going to check this folder out. This folder represents just a moment in time in squirrels-on-the-lawn history, but I suspect there might be material in other presidential libraries.
Alito deflected responsibility by blaming his wife, noting the short time the flag was placed upside down, and, ultimately, blaming the neighbors.
But, pace Gillers, Alito did not claim that he didn't know this happened; nor did he say he didn't understand the meaning of the stop-the-steal flag.
Sam Alito and Bill Barr talk a lot about "personal responsibility" but their defense of their reactionary politics--and that of their colleagues--basically comes down to the claim that, "They looked at me funny, leaving me no choice but to act like a jerk."
In addition to other critiques of Stoller’s position, even on its own terms this is a puzzling claim because in both the House and the Senate, the GOP supported NAFTA far more than the Democrats.
yet again, im here to offer anyone a ride to the library, will help w basic research and documentation, and i will throw in lunch
just please stop trying to be so edgy
McWhorter writes: "Name some significant civil rights victories between 1968 and the election of Barack Obama. It’s a lot harder than naming the victories up until that point." That year two presidential candidates, George Wallace and the eventual winner, Nixon, were seen as backlash candidates.
McWhorter suggests the slowdown in civil rights advances after 1968 was solely a function of the movement's changing tactics. But understanding how this slowdown occurred requires a focus not just on internal dynamics but on the growing power of backlash politics.
www.nytimes.com/2024/05/03/o...
As this post-Little Rock letter shows, segregationists celebrated defiance of civil rights laws and in so doing, described it as part of a noble U.S. political tradition. Openly, even heroically, violating laws they disliked, while imposing "law and order" on others is classic backlash rhetoric.
Heather MacDonald's fear's about birthrates, assimilation, and the remaking of the country are an old story. Here's a 1965 letter to the editor that puts forward very similar anxieties, albeit in a more explicitly racist fashion.
In 1977, when Nixon floated the idea to David Frost that "when the president does it, that means that it is not illegal," the Carter administration rejected this view. Hamilton Jordan proclaimed that if we haven't learned from Watergate that nobody is above the law, then "we've learned nothing."
We had a intense, fruitful discussion about
@katforrester.bsky.social’s great book, IN THE SHADOW OF JUSTICE in my grad seminar. We filled quite a few blackboards with our thoughts.
Another headline framed from Trump’s point-of-view. Is a gag order preventing him from disparaging a small number of people centrally involved with his trial, the same as “silencing” him? Given that Trump has talked at length with the media throughout the trial, I would say the answer is `no.’
History explains the "complications" quite well: "Trump’s insistence on doing highly illegal things in the name of what he sees as a greater cause, while also championing 'law and order' fits perfectly with the long history of the politics of that phrase."
www.washingtonpost.com/made-by-hist...
Columbia administrators seem to have misunderstood Mario Savio’s famous 1964 Free Speech Movement address, since they are both “the people who run it,” and the people grinding the basic functions of the university to a halt.
incredible self own by the administrators. a few dozens protesters could've never been so disruptive to shut down the entire columbia campus but in trying to stop the protests, the administration did it for them